Minimally Invasive Education: Pedagogy for development in a connected world

 

Extracts from a paper presented by Dr Sugata Mitra, Centre for Research in Cognitive Systems, NIIT Ltd. at the Innovation in Education Conference, held in Cape Town in April 2004

Abstract

Development in the 21st century will be determined, to a large extent, by the thought, action and imagination of young people.

We report on the current status and findings of our experiments with unsupervised Internet access by village and urban slum children of India. Several new experimental projects are described and the initial findings reported. The original hypotheses and their subsequent verification are described. A new hypothesis is proposed. Finally, a preliminary statement for a new pedagogy is made. Plans for further work are described.

The paper goes on to describe the results of several experiments conducted in the area of self-instruction. Based on observations from these experiments as well as from constructivist theory, an approach named Minimally Invasive Education is proposed and the process described.


In this paper, we discuss the results of a series of experiments conducted since 1999. The experiments suggest that there may be an alternative set of conditions that can meet the objectives of formal education, or, at least, supplement the current formal system. The set of conditions necessary for such an alternative system are:

1. The existence of the Internet
2. The existence of a technology for free and public access to the Internet

In what follows, we will examine some qualitative aspects of children’s education, followed by a description of the results of a series of experiments conducted in India.

How do children learn?

There are many frameworks and theories to explain how learning occurs or how it should be conducted. Each has passionate supporters and detractors who debate on the effectiveness and inherent appropriateness of one over the other.
Broadly, however, almost all teaching-learning interactions can be classified as one of the following:

  • Those where the teacher or external resource determines the learning content and methodology.
  • Those where the teacher or external resource determines the learning, in consultation with the learners.
  • Those where the learners determine their own learning outcomes and how they will go about it.

The last of these encompasses theories such as Holt’s ideas on “learning all the time” (Holt 1982), Piagetian, situated cognition and constructivism (Piaget 1953), Vygotsky’s concept of zone of proximal development (Vygotsky 1967, 1986; Nicolopoulou 1993).

Constructivism theory talks about cognitive growth and learning. This theory has gained many adherents in recent years (c.f. Forman & Pufall, 1988; Newman, Griffin, and Cole, 1989; Piaget, 1973; Resnick, 1989; Papert, 1980). One of the foundational premises is that children actively construct their knowledge in a context, rather than simply absorbing ideas spoken at them by teachers. It posits that children actually invent their ideas. They assimilate new information to simple, pre-existing notions, and modify their understanding in light of new data. In the process, their ideas gain in complexity and power, and with appropriate support they develop critical insight into how they think and what they know about the world.

The two specific features of this philosophy borrowed from research in child development, is that play and experimentation are valuable forms of learning (c.f. Daiute, 1989; Garvey, 1977; Rubin, Fein & Vandenberg 1983; Sutton-Smith, 1971; Vandenberg 1980;). Play involves the consideration of novel combinations of ideas. It is a form of mental exploration in which children create, reflect on, and work out their understanding.

Both play and exploration are self-structured and self-motivated processes of learning.

Another growing body of research on collaborative or cooperative learning has demonstrated the benefits of children working with other children in collective learning efforts (Rysavy & Sales, 1991). When children collaborate, they share the process of constructing their ideas, instead of simply labouring individually (Cole, 1990; Tudge, 1990; Forman & Cazden, 1986).

The educational application of the above theories lie in creating curricula that matches and also challenges children's understanding, fostering further growth and development of the mind.

It is in the context of collaborative learning and constructivism that networked computing environments become important.

Children are instinctively “good” at using computers. While I could not find a study to support this, I base this impression on twenty years of experience with children using computers. Parents of children who have computers would say, almost without exception, that the child is able to do things that they, the parents, consider complex and impressive. Two explanations could exist for such reports on children using computers:

  1. Children are able to self-instruct themselves to use computers for many tasks. This is impressive to adults and other children.
  2. Adults are not able to do the above and, therefore, are highly impressed by children’s abilities in this area.

Collaborative computing is a relatively new area, and one that is changing and developing rapidly. The effects of collaborative education in such environments are not very well understood. In what follows, I will report on a number of observational experiments in this area conducted over a ten-year period. In the process, a “minimally invasive” model appears to have interesting possibilities.

The idea of unsupervised learning was first pointed out in a paper on the use of diagnostics (debugging) as a learning tool (Mitra, S. and Pawar, R.S., 1982). Of the work done later in this period, two experiments are worth mentioning in the context of this paper. Both experiments were based on a paper (Mitra, S.,1988) where it was suggested that unsupervised use of computers can lead to accelerated learning of skills in children. It is now widely felt that children are more adept at modern computing skills than most adults, although they seldom want or get formal education in this area.

Keeping these observations in mind, we describe a set of experiments with the self-organisation of the learning process.

Early Experiments

The LEDA experiments

LEDA stands for “Learning through Exploration, Discovery and Adventure”. Sets of experiments were conducted in the period from 1991-1996. Each experiment was a one week summer school where groups of heterogeneous urban children in the age group 4-16 years were exposed to highly networked computing environments, provided with media and entertainment resources and allowed to formulate their own projects.

Each summer school received high quality feedback from students and parents. Results showed that children were capable of doing the following:

  1. Understanding and using networked environments to exchange data, chat, use e-mail and the Internet
  2. Understanding and using graphics, 3D and animation packages. This is an activity they seem to enjoy the most.
  3. Discuss complex issues, such as, “Are computers alive?” with each other and come to conclusions.
  4. Organise themselves for fair and efficient use of computer time.
  5. Entertain each other, particularly the very young children, when bored.
  6. Helping each other learn whenever required.


The Udang experiment

In 1994, a computer was installed in a village called Udang in the state of West Bengal in India. The installation was in a school and it was observed (by Marmar Mukhopadhyay, the originator of the experiment) that both students and teachers were comfortable with its operation within a few weeks, with minimal instructions. In other words, they were able to teach themselves the fundamentals of computing (Zielenziger, 1995) and found enough self-motivation to do so. The students went on to create a database containing information about their village and the information was subsequently used by the government of India for decision making purposes. The Udang school continues to serve as a computer skills training centre for the local villages of the area.

Formulation of hypothesis 1

The results of these experiments led to the formulation of a hypothesis, stated as follows:

Hypothesis 1: If given appropriate access and connectivity, groups of children can learn to operate and use computers and the Internet with no or minimal intervention from adults.

The “Hole-in-the-wall” experiments

It has been observed that children are able to learn to use computers and the Internet on their own, irrespective of their social, cultural or economic backgrounds (Mitra and Rana, 2001). These experiments, first conducted in 1999 were labelled by the press as “hole-in-the-wall” experiments (see, for example, Padmakar and Porter, 2001), because the experimental arrangement consisted of computers built into openings in brick walls in public spaces. In what follows, we describe the work done subsequent to these initial experiments, the results obtained and some, possible, conclusions.

The Kalkaji experiment

The first experiment reported in our earlier publication was conducted in Kalkaji, a suburb of New Delhi, India. The experiment consisted of installing a computer connected to the Internet and embedded into a brick wall near a slum. We observed that most of the slum children were able to use the computer to browse, play games, create documents and paint pictures within a few days. The results have, since then, been reported in detail, elsewhere (see, for example, Mitra 2000 and Wullenweber 2001).

The Shivpuri experiment

The Kalkaji experiment raised some doubts about whether the children had got inputs from computer literate adults in the vicinity. We repeated the experiment in the town of Shivpuri (state of Madhya Pradesh in central India) in May, 1999. Shivpuri is a rural town with very little computer usage in any segment of society. The kiosk was made operational for three months (May to July, 1999) with a dial-up Internet connection. Our observations were nearly identical to those obtained in the first experiment. Here we observed boys acquiring the skills required to do the tasks described above through an exploration, discovery and the peer tutoring process. The area was unsafe, no girls were observed to use the computer, and the experiment was closed.

The Madantusi experiment

So far, the experiments had been conducted in cities and towns. In June, 2000, we were able to repeat the process in the village of Madantusi (state of Uttar Pradesh, in northern India). With the help of an experienced school administrator and researcher, Urvashi Sahni, we were able to build a computer into the wall of the local school and left unattended. An Internet connection was not possible. After three months, we returned to observe that the children were using most features of the computer, including its CD drive and the keyboard. Adults of the area reported certain behavioural changes. These included:

  • Self-organisation and self imposed discipline in the sharing of computer time.
  • Nature and volume of their conversations with each other
  • Use of English words with each other
  • Children who learned something transferring the knowledge to others

The children were able to clearly articulate the pedagogy by which they taught each other. They were also observed using over 200 English words while talking about their experience.

The Sindhudurg project

The largest of our rural experiments is located in the Sindhudurg district of the state of Maharashtra, on the western coast of India. Funded by the ICICI bank, the largest private bank in India, we have constructed five kiosks containing two computers each in five villages of the area, spread over an approximate area of 2000 square kilometres. The project has been operational since 2nd April, 2002. Internet access is available at two of the locations through dial-up connections.


Photo 1: A kiosk in village Kalse, Sindhudurg district, Maharashtra, India.

In all locations, children were observed acquiring the basic skills required to use the computer (for playing games, painting, music, documents etc.) within a few hours. The entire process has been documented through video clips, focus group interviews, tests and machine log files. Approximately, 250 children use the computers regularly. There are an approximately equal numbers of boys and girls. A local teacher reported that about 10% of his work in teaching computing concepts had been already acquired by the children in one month.

The children of Sindhudurg discovered e-mail and Internet chatting in the fifth month of the project. In the two connected villages, they are familiar with the Internet and make frequent use of mail, chat rooms and browsing. A girl in one of the villages had recently given out her phone number to a stranger and had received phone calls from another Indian city. Instead of instructing them not to divulge personal details, we organised a seminar by the students on how best to use the Internet for communication. A few of the children quickly discovered the dangers of the Internet using search engines and reported this to the rest of the group. They have, since then, made strict norms for themselves about the protocols to be used while chatting.

In both villages, students have been found using the Internet for help with their homework.

In one of the villages, children who do not study computers formally in school or otherwise but are seen at the kiosk were given the 8th grade examination of the Maharashtra State Board of Education. This examination is meant for children who have been taught to use computers, in the traditional sense, for one year.

It was found that children whose only exposure was to the kiosks for six months were able to pass (ie, get more than 35% marks) in the examination. Their performance in the practical section of the examination (where skill usage is tested) was excellent while their performance in the theory section of the examination was dismal, but adequate as measured against the board’s norms.

Formulation of hypothesis 3

Much of the observations from the above experiments seem to suggest that in addition to learning to use a computer, the children are learning other things. This learning is the consequence of peer group discussions and active experimentation with the Internet and with any other software resident on their computers. We have, subsequently, proposed a third hypothesis:

Hypothesis 3: If given appropriate access, connectivity and content, groups of children can learn to operate and use computers and the Internet to achieve a specified set of the objectives of primary education, with none or minimal intervention from adults.

The Gwalior experiment

At this time, several experiments are being conducted around the concept proposed in hypothesis 3. The first of these were carried out in the Scindia School in Gwalior, India. This is a highly respected institution and many Indian political leaders have emerged from it. The school has recently set up an extensive computing facility through a local area network spread throughout the campus. High bandwidth Internet connections are available at all computers. The teachers, who were initially sceptical of the effectiveness of the Internet for education, were affected significantly by the results of the experiment described below.

Procedure

  1. The students were given Physics experiments to do on their own with a computer instructing them on assembling and manipulating the experimental apparatus. The computer was “aware” of the state of the apparatus through sensors connected to its serial port.
  2. The students were given free access to the Internet and asked to interpret the results of the experiments they had conducted.
  3. Students of commerce were given 12th grade questions on Physics (such as on superconductivity) and asked to solve them using the Internet.
  4. The students were given free access to the Internet with no instructions about usage for two hours in a public and highly visible location
  5. Teachers were instructed to announce to each class what they would be teaching in the next class and to ensure that their students had free access to the Internet in the interim.

Results

  1. 9th grade students successfully completed the experiments allotted to them.
  2. They were able to accurately describe the natural processes they had observed and the laws that controlled such processes. Their interest and motivation levels were high.
  3. 10th grade commerce students were able to answer 12th grade science questions correctly, after some initial hesitation. Some became intensely interested and involved with the subject.
  4. No instances of pornographic or other undesirable activity were detected. Browsing, chatting and e-mail were the main activities observed.
  5. Teachers reported many instances of students coming with information that made factual teaching redundant. They reported more conceptual discussions and an overall equality of relationship between them and the students.

The Hyderabad experiment

The last of the experiments related to hypothesis 3 is currently (February, 2003) being carried out in the city of Hyderabad, India.

The environment and the problem

Hyderabad is a large city in southern India and, like many such cities in India, contains sprawling slum areas. These areas in Hyderabad contain a large number of small private schools, sometimes as many as 10 in a square kilometre. These schools are filled to capacity with children whose parents pay substantial amounts for education (in comparison to their incomes) in spite of the fact that there are several free schools in the vicinity operated by the government. The single most important reason why the slum parents send their children to these private schools is the English language.

There are 17 languages recognised by the United Nations and over 700 dialects related to these languages, spoken in India. Hindi is the national language, while English is a common “bridging” language that is used everywhere.

As a consequence of its colonial past, people who speak in English are generally considered more suitable for most jobs than people who don’t. While this may not be a happy situation, it is one of the main reasons why India scores over other Southeast Asian nations in the software industry. India is the second largest exporter of software in the world after the United States and its success is often attributed to the ability of its industry and its people to deal with the English language.

The ability to speak in English can determine the living standards and occupations of most Indians. It is for this reason that the private schools in Hyderabad prosper.

While these schools teach English with a reasonable effectiveness, they suffer from a severe “mother tongue influence” (MTI). The products of such schools, and, indeed, any school in India can be fluent in English, but would often speak the language with an accent that is incomprehensible anywhere in the world. The reason for this is because teachers in such schools have a strong MTI themselves, that their students copy, and the problem perpetuates itself.

It is in this context that the experiment below was conducted.

Experimental procedure and initial results

We placed a PC in a selected school in the Edi Bazaar area of Hyderabad. The PC was equipped with an educational software system called Ellis Kids. In addition, a speech-to-text engine was installed on it. Several films, such as “My Fair Lady” and “The Sound of Music” were installed also.

Four groups of four children each were selected at random. They consisted of 8 boys and 8 girls ranging in age from 8 to 16 years. The children had no exposure to computers and their English pronunciation had severe MTI.

The speech-to-text engine was trained in four “standard” voices, two Indian male and female voices, two UK male and female voices. The children were not permitted to train the engine any further. They were told to find a means by which the engine would recognise what they were saying, when they read a passage out to it.

The children’s readings and the percentage recognition by the speech-to-text engine were recorded every month for four months of unattended operation.


Photo3: Children working on pronunciation in Peace High School, Edi Bazaar, Hyderabad, India

The children taught themselves to operate the computer rapidly, as they have in all other experiments reported in this paper. They then proceeded to speak to the speech-to-text engine and to modify their accents until they could be understood.

Significant changes were measured in their accents over this period and the results will be reported in detail elsewhere.

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